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Historia Productions 4Articles |
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© N.R.
Lindsay 2018 |
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Synopsis |
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4 |
Early Australians at Arms
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Most accounts of early Australian military activity begin with
the Soudan expedition. However, there were several earlier fights involving
Australian forces - in compact with or against imperial forces. First, we have to acknowledge the
legitimacy of forces of a non-traditional nature, rather than manufacture
excuses not to do so. Then we have to delve into
what really happened, and go beyond the traditional superficial accounts, to
recognise the settlers appearing in the ranks at Norfolk Island, Castle Hill,
Eureka and New Zealand. This account is deficient in not including the Aboriginal
inter-tribal wars and resistance fighters: this will be added subsequently. |
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4 |
The Federated Ironworkers
Association
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Control of the militant Federated Ironworkers Association in
1939 was split between Communist and Labor Party
adherents. The Communist Party of Australia was a creature of the Soviet
Union, and after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, where the USSR came to a deal
with Nazi Germany to split Poland and deliver war supplies to Germany, it
used its influence in the FIA to disrupt the war effort, labelling it a
'Capitalist War'. When Germany invaded the USSR in 1941, a dramatic change occurred
- the FIA members were urged to support the now 'Patriotic War' against
Germany, trying to influence the peak Australian Council of Trade Unions and
its other affiliates to support this aim to the detriment of union members.
The ongoing unrelenting flogging of FIA members to maintain war production
led to alienation from the leadership: dogma had triumphed over
responsibility, and self-interest overcame duty to members, as is the case
with ideologues in any field of endeavour. The Balmain Branch carried out a successful revolt which led
to the outcome of reestablishment of traditional
Labor unionism, with the CPA influence
marginalised. |
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4 |
Imperial-Australian Relations in the
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The colonies of the British Empire were protected by the
British Army and Royal Navy, however as some moved from first self-government
then to national independence they became increasingly concerned to have both
a say and a hand in this. While the Home government, army and navy were more
than receptive to having the colonies to pay for this defence, they were
unwilling to relinquish control and risk the colonies dragging them into
commitments and responses which might be inimical with United Kingdom
policies and interests. As a consequence,
naval self-defence aspirations were thwarted under cover of various
restrictions and stratagems, avoiding the natural desire of the
newly-independent countries of Australia, Canada and New Zealand to secure
their own special interest rather than just the one perceived from London.
Political persistence and bipartisan policy secured Australia its own navy,
but this remained subject to imperial control well into both world wars. |
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4 |
Nationalism and its
influence on the
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The nationalistic fervour of the Risorgimento petered out into
the liberal state and its fusion governments. Failure of the brief Crispi
essay into imperialism dissipated a resurgence of support for Italian
greatness, leaving the field largely to nationalistic intellectuals in the
early 1900s. Those limited efforts, however, laid the philosophical
foundation for renewed nationalist political influence as Europe became
increasingly destabilised, providing a rallying point which contributed to Giolitti’s grudging Libyan war and to the successful
interventionist movement of 1915. In the widespread postwar
frustration over the peace settlement, and with the progressive degradation
of internal social and political conditions, the Nationalist tenets of
authoritarianism, militarism and imperialism held attractions for a broad
spectrum of the discontented. Also in the business of appealing to and mobilising the
discontented was Benito Mussolini and his Fascist movement. The general
approach of the Nationalist Party and of the structural socialism of the
Syndicalists contained substantial areas which were compatible with or useful
to his own philosophy. After the electoral failure of 1919 for both Fascists
and Nationalists, and the subsequent weakening of the Socialists in the 1920s
depression, it was apparent that a union of forces hostile to both red and
white socialism was necessary for success and also
capable of success. The Fascist movement absorbed a whole range of
revolutionary and right-wing movements, of which a significant one was the
Nationalist Party. That absorption was not one sided, however, as the
Nationalists could claim to have influenced Mussolini and the Fascist Party
strongly towards the historical institutions of monarchy, church and army, in
the pursuit of a greater Italy dominant in world affairs, and in using the
state rather than the party as the instrument of authoritarian control of
Fascist Italy. |
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4 |
Porton:
Australia's Mini-Dunkirk
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In the closing stages of the Pacific War in 1945, Australia
carried out a series of operations which were unrelated to the defeat of
Japan - attacking bypassed Japanese garrisons in the Dutch East Indies and
New Guinea and the Islands. With the US amphibious forces moving on the
Philippines and towards Japan, these operations had to rest on Australian
resources which were limited in scope and quantity. One operation on Bougainville in the northern sector had run
up against stiff opposition, and it was decided to carry out a small
amphibious landing to outflank the position. Over-optimistic planning,
limited fire support and environmental obstacles against a resourceful and
determined enemy turned the landing into a nightmare from which it was
difficult to extricate the force when failure became apparent. The US forces understood that an amphibious operation, even
with massive preparation and support, was a knife edge proposition. They were
never impressed with the casual approach of Australian forces who relied
largely on improvisation in an environment which was unforgiving of such an
approach. At Porton Plantation this caution
was not heeded, with disastrous results. The story of Porton
is a mixture of foolhardiness, heroism and a lesson in the fragility of
amphibious operations, no matter what their scale. An example of a later
attempt at a similar operation in Vietnam is given as a reminder of lessons
not learnt. |
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4 |
The Rising Sun Badge
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The origins of the Australian Army Rising Sun badge have been
the subject of many attempts to pin it down, with some expressing absolute
confidence in their version, and these varying versions picked over,
supported, denigrated, accepted and repeated. Short of some absolute
revelation, we can but guess on which images were most powerful in getting us
to the version which was officially adopted and subsequently adapted. The
ongoing lesson is that historians who use the words first, last, biggest,
smallest etc etc are highly likely to have another
researcher trump them with a firster, laster, etc
version. Always better to leave an escape by using more general
expressions to allow for the fact that there is no law of the universe which
says you must be right. The same applies to the luvvies
who say with absolute confidence 'you're wrong!', who deserve the humiliation
they often get when it is they who are caught out, and have no other resort
than the personal abuse which they then have to fall
back on. It is not only the climate change religionists who back them who
back themselves into such corners. Historians do well to respond to others
with the more polite 'why do you say that?' or 'what
is your evidence' rather than dogmatic claims meant to overwhelm and
intimidate others. |
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